Food aid to Ethiopia has been suspended after the discovery that humanitarian supplies meant for people in need were being stolen.

The UN’s World Food Programme (WFP) said on Friday that it is halting food assistance while it rolled out “enhanced safeguards and controls that will ensure humanitarian food assistance reaches targeted, vulnerable people”. It comes a day after the US Agency for International Development (USAid) said it was doing the same, after a “countrywide review” uncovered “a widespread and coordinated campaign” that was diverting food assistance from Ethiopian people.

“We made the difficult but necessary decision that we cannot move forward with distribution of food assistance until reforms are in place,” said a USAid spokesperson.

More than 20 million people across Ethiopia rely on humanitarian help as civil conflict and the worst drought in four decades grips the country. The US is the largest single donor to the country, supplying aid worth $1.8bn (£1.4bn) in the past fiscal year.

UN and US halt food assistance in the country, where 20 million people rely on aid, in order to investigate ‘diversion’ of supplies

The USAid and the WFP had already suspended food supplies to the northern Tigray region while they investigated reports of stolen aid there. Tigray was the centre of a civil war that ended in November and nearly all of its 6 million people rely on aid.

The humanitarian agencies have not apportioned blame for thefts. However, an internal memo by a group of foreign donors says that Ethiopian government officials are involved.

“Extensive monitoring indicates this diversion of donor-funded food assistance is a coordinated and criminal scheme, which has prevented life-saving food assistance from reaching the most vulnerable,” the document says. “The scheme appears to be orchestrated by federal and regional government of Ethiopia entities, with military units across the country benefiting from humanitarian assistance.”

The document says USAid investigators visited “63 flour mills in seven of Ethiopia’s nine regions” since March where they “witnessed significant diversion” of supplies donated by the US, France, Japan and Ukraine.

Another document posted on USAid’s website in May, and later taken down, detailed instances of US-supplied grain being sold in markets throughout Tigray in March and April. This included enough wheat to feed 134,000 people for a month on sale “in a local grain market and being processed into flour at mills owned by local wholesalers” in the city of Shire, which hosts large numbers of people displaced by the war.

A US official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said that Ethiopia’s federal government was using some of the stolen aid to feed Tigrayan fighters demobilised as part of the ceasefire. Meanwhile, two humanitarian workers, who also requested anonymity, said rebel Tigray authorities had regularly taken a proportion of beneficiaries’ aid rations at flour mills during the war as a “tax”.

Ethiopia has vowed to hold an investigation “so the perpetrators of such diversion are held to account”.

The WFP has said its Ethiopia country director, Claude Jibidar, is on leave, amid speculation that he had resigned. In a text message to the Guardian, Jibidar would not confirm if he was returning to his post.

Ethiopia experienced devastating famines and conflicts in the 1970s and 1980s. Aid agencies have long struggled to keep their food donations out of combatants’ hands. During the recent conflict, the government faced UN accusations that it restricted the flow of aid to Tigray and used “starvation as a method of warfare”, while the government accused humanitarian agencies of running arms to the Tigray rebels.

World Opinions + theguardian.com

L’article Food aid suspended in Ethiopia after ‘widespread and coordinated’ thievery est apparu en premier sur World Opinion | Alternative Média.

Tigrayan forces in northern Ethiopia have started handing over heavy weapons in line with a peace deal to end a brutal civil war.

The African Union (AU) said it was « a step in the right direction » to end the two-year-long conflict.

Hundreds of thousands of people are estimated to have died from starvation, a lack of medical care, and fighting.

The conflict broke out following a massive fall-out between the regional and federal governments.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed accused the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which controlled the region, of seizing military bases and launching an attempt to overthrow his government.

Tigrayan forces advanced towards the federal capital, Addis Ababa, in 2021, but were pushed back.

TPLF spokesman Getachew Reda said he hoped that the handover of weapons would « go a long way in expediting the full implementation of the agreement ».

Armoured tanks, rockets and mortars were among the weapons transferred to the federal army on Tuesday, the Ethiopian military’s Lt-Col Aleme Tadele was quoted by local media as saying.

A team of AU monitors confirmed that weapons had been given up, suggesting that the peace deal is sticking,

Basic services, like electricity and banking, are slowly resuming in Tigray after being cut off during the conflict.

A major sticking point is the presence of Eritrean troops in the area, as well as forces from Ethiopia’s Amhara region.

They intervened in the conflict on the side of the federal government, and the TPLF is demanding their withdrawal.

World Opinions – BBC News

L’article Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict: TPLF forces hand over weapons in peace move est apparu en premier sur World Opinion | Alternative Média.

The return of hostilities in the north of Ethiopia last month has devastated the country’s hard-earned progress towards a lasting peace. After almost two years of war and widespread destruction, the fragile hope that communities in Tigray, Afar and Amhara were grasping at has been stolen.

The international community now has an urgent choice to make, one it has so far shied away from. It can either pressure the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) to end its violence and enter peace talks, or it can remain silent and embolden them to expand their offensive.

Fresh reports suggesting that the TPLF is now willing to join African Union (AU)-mediated talks are welcome. However, it is important that they are held to their word.

Since March this year, a government-led truce had held strong. The humanitarian ceasefire has allowed unprecedented aid to reach Tigray with more than 4,000 trucks delivering food, medicines and other vital supplies. The World Food Programme confirmed in late July that the immediate risk of famine had been averted.

Fighting in Tigray actually ended in July 2021. The conflict between then and the start of the humanitarian truce was concentrated in the neighbouring regions. The TPLF invaded and occupied towns and villages in Afar and Amhara, bringing untold misery to the Ethiopians living there. Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have documented the TPLF’s use of rape as a weapon of war, killings of innocent civilians, looting of aid and the destruction of public infrastructure.

The TPLF was pushed back to the borders of Tigray and did – once it was clear its offensive had failed – reciprocate the government’s ceasefire. However, while the Ethiopian government and the Ethiopian people have used the truce to try and secure peace, the TPLF has been bolstering its forces. Reports from numerous sources have suggested the recruitment of child soldiers.

The fact that peace talks were under way makes it difficult to comprehend this latest round of violence. The government outlined its openness to undertake peace talks at “any time, anywhere” and did not insist on any preconditions. The AU’s role as a mediator was welcomed and steps were taken to demonstrate our intent, such as the release of TPLF prisoners.

The international community now has an urgent choice to make — one it has so far shied away from.

However, on August 22, just two days before this new outbreak of violence, the TPLF published comments rejecting the AU’s participation in talks and outlined a series of unrealistic conditions that would need to be met in order to even consider engaging.

For too long, it has been left to the Ethiopian government to try and bring the TPLF to the table. I believe the government has exhausted every possible approach. That is why it is now time for the international community to end its silence on the actions of the TPLF and call on its leadership to lay down arms and engage in the AU-led talks.

Time is of the essence. On the day of the first attack, the United Nations and World Food Programme issued an alarm over the theft of 12 tankers with 570,000 litres of fuel from a WFP warehouse in Mekelle by TPLF forces. As the WFP chief David Beasley stated, millions will starve if aid agencies can’t deliver food.

Another round of prolonged conflict is in nobody’s interest, especially the six million Ethiopians living in Tigray. The Ethiopian people want peace and to start rebuilding their lives and communities.

The Ethiopian government will always defend the country’s sovereignty and protect its citizens, but peace and unity are always better than war and division.

By Teferi Melesse Ethiopia’s ambassador to the UK – Aljazeera

L’article Ethiopia needs the world to hold Tigray’s TPLF to its word est apparu en premier sur World Opinion | Alternative Média.

A pig and a chicken open a breakfast restaurant together, and their speciality is bacon and eggs. What’s the difference between the chicken and the pig? The chicken is involved, but the pig is committed. For the chicken, it’s just an easy day’s work to lay a few eggs. But for the pig, it’s a lifetime’s commitment to provide the bacon.

This well-known business fable is perhaps the best illustration of the dynamics behind the joint Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) investigation into “alleged violations of international human rights, humanitarian and refugee law committed by all parties to the conflict in the Tigray region of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia”.

Like the chicken, the UN’s human rights office was merely “involved” in this investigation – by way of appearing to be doing something to deliver some justice to the victims of the bloody conflict. The EHRC, on the other hand, was truly committed. After all, although a legally “autonomous” federal institution, the EHRC is part of the Ethiopian government – its existence depends on federal funding and its commissioners share the vision of the Ethiopian government. In other words, for the EHRC, it was undoubtedly a lifetime’s commitment to defend the Ethiopian government in this investigation.

Due to this perception, many in Ethiopia and abroad – especially those who are not buying into the Ethiopian government’s narratives about the war – opposed from the very beginning the UN’s decision to involve the EHRC in its investigation into Ethiopia’s war. In response to questions about why it opted for a collaboration with the EHRC in Tigray, the OHCHR said it agreed to this arrangement because it was the only way for its investigators to gain access to Ethiopia and assess the situation on the ground.

The joint OHCHR/EHRC investigation into alleged atrocities in Tigray failed to establish a path towards accountability and justice for victims.

This argument, however, did not ease concerns. People rightfully questioned what purpose an investigation into atrocities could serve if it is conducted with the help of and under the conditions set by the alleged perpetrators. Some went as far as to argue an investigation involving the EHRC would be little more than a whitewashing exercise for the Ethiopian government. Pointing to the reliable reports of systemic sexual violence, starvation, extensive looting and infrastructure destruction coming from Tigray, the critics said an investigation involving the EHRC would not be able to get uncensored testimonies from victims afraid of government reprisals and thus would not even come close to establishing the truth let alone naming perpetrators.

The report of the joint investigation published on November 3, sadly, proved its critics right.

The report, inevitably, found evidence of serious abuses, some of which may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. However, it did not even come close to exposing the full extent of the devastation experienced by the Tigrayans at the hands of the Ethiopian government forces and their allies since last November.

The report talked of “extrajudicial killings and executions, widespread sexual violence, torture, forced displacement, arbitrary detentions, violations of economic, social, and cultural rights, and denial of access to aid”, but it largely failed to establish the specifics, and the vast scope, of these crimes.

There was one apparent reason behind the report’s inability to talk in detail and with certainty about the atrocities alleged to have been committed in Tigray: The Joint Investigation Team (JIT), despite EHRC’s involvement, had no access to the geographic area that it was purported to cover and where most of the crimes are presumed to have been committed.

Indeed, due to what the report calls “challenges and constraints”, the JIT was unable to access most atrocity zones. As a result, it either underreported or failed to consider all credible reports of atrocities coming from areas like Axum, Abi Addi, Hagere Selam, Togoga, Irob, Adwa, Adigrat, Hawzen, Gijet and Mariam Dengelat.

And even in areas, the JIT had access to, the victims were reluctant to speak – they did not believe in the impartiality of the investigation team and feared they may face retribution from the government if they mentioned the crimes it committed against them in the presence of EHRC personnel.

Indeed, the report itself mentions, as one of the challenges the JIT faced in collecting evidence, “the perceptions of bias against the EHRC in some parts of Tigray.” The report goes on to explain that “some potential interviewees declined to be interviewed by the JIT because of the presence of EHRC personnel”.

Moreover, the extensive interviews the UN officials conducted with Tigrayan refugees in Sudanese refugee camps in November-December 2020 have not been included in the final UN/EHRC report. The UN has referred to these interviews in its routine regional updates, but has so far not offered any explanation as to why it decided to exclude these important testimonies from the UN/EHRC report.

By not visiting all atrocity zones, not interviewing a large number of victims from different localities, and not including the testimonies of Tigrayan refugees in Sudanese camps in its final report, the UN violated the cardinal principle of centring investigations into abuses and atrocities around victims.

The primary ambitions of independent investigations into atrocities should be to establish the truth of what happened, give a voice to victims, create the conditions for perpetrators to be held to account, and end impunity.

The UN/EHRC investigation into human rights violations in Tigray, however, achieved none of these goals. It not only failed to give a voice to the majority of this conflict’s victims, but it also laid the ground for the Ethiopian government to evade accountability for the atrocities committed in Tigray by its forces and allies.https://c5e4de1abbb171ec49d12a835f5190d7.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-38/html/container.html

Indeed, more paragraphs in the final UN/EHRC report call for the cessation of hostilities, reconciliation, and capacity building than demand accountability, attribution of culpability, and an end to impunity.

Moreover, the report seems to take the Ethiopian government’s word that its “independent” institutions will hold all perpetrators – including the government itself – accountable for the atrocities committed in Tigray. “International mechanisms are complementary to and do not replace national mechanisms,” the report states. “In this regard, the JIT was told that national institutions such as the Office of the Federal Attorney General and military justice organs have initiated processes to hold perpetrators accountable, with some perpetrators already having been convicted and sentenced.”

It is bizarre that the UN appears to believe that the Ethiopian National Defence Force and the attorney general of the government of Ethiopia can ensure accountability. The Ethiopian National Defence Force is a principal party in the war, and the attorney general, like the EHRC, has no prosecutorial independence to hold officials of the Ethiopian government accountable.

The UN does not lack experience in conducting independent, balanced investigations into brutal, complex and multi-faceted conflicts. It has established countless independent commissions of inquiry and international fact-finding missions around the world and tasked them with investigating atrocities and recommending corrective actions based on their findings. From Burundi, South Sudan and Gaza to Syria, Libya, and Lebanon such investigations allowed victims an opportunity to voice their truth, and ensured legal and political accountability for perpetrators. Moreover, the comprehensive reports these investigations produced served as historical records of grave crimes, withstood the test of time, and inhibited revisionist tendencies.

In Ethiopia’s conflict, however, the UN’s efforts to unearth the truth and call for accountability fell short of all of its established standards. The UN/EHRC report not only failed to establish the truth of Ethiopia’s bloody and ongoing conflict, but it also caused many affected by these atrocities to lose any trust they had in the UN.

But it is not too late for the UN to make up for its many failings in Ethiopia.

The joint report itself points to the need for further investigations and accountability. Now the UN should start working towards establishing and supporting a fully independent, international commission of inquiry that can conduct a meaningful investigation, listen to all – not some – victims, establish unassailable historical records, preserve evidence for future trials and facilitate genuine accountability and remedies.

Tigrayans, and Ethiopians at large, deserve nothing less.

Dr Mehari Taddele Maru is a scholar of peace and security, law and governance, and human rights and migration issues – Aljazeera ENG

L’article There is need for a truly independent probe into Ethiopia abuses est apparu en premier sur World Opinion | Alternative Média.

Ethiopia is witnessing a first of its kind elections for the People’s Chamber, an experience that some hope will change the face of the country. Others decided to boycott their votes fearing post-election violence.

Although the incumbent Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed boasts that he was the first to initiate unprecedented political reforms, democracy has a long way to go.

The current government aims to boost its regional standing following its election victory. Addis Ababa has always looked up to become a regional hegemon in the Horn of Africa.

Although one of the poorest countries in the world, Ethiopia possesses a well-equipped army considered to be the strongest in the Sub-Saharan region and the third strongest in Africa. With three other regional powers (South Africa, Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of Congo) aiming to play similar dominant roles, Addis Ababa has a path filled with obstacles and challenges.

Ethiopia’s ambition to be the hub of this region are not new. With the African Union and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, along with other organizations headquartered in the capital, the country sends a message that it can assume leading roles successfully.

Playing the role of an African powerhouse is received with neutrality from some neighbors, including Djibouti, Kenya and Uganda. Others view it negatively such as Eretria, Sudan and Egypt.

Relations with Egypt have deteriorated as it pushes forward with the construction of the $4 billion hydropower Renaissance Dam on the Blue Nile. Tensions between the two nations continues to escalate, but out-right war between the two seems far-fetched because there are too many unknowns with both understanding only that serious repercussions are likely.

International efforts to ease tensions have failed to resolve the dispute.

Relations with Sudan and Eretria have not been positive either. Addis Ababa supported the split of Sudan and its border problems remain a source of friction between the two states.

This frame grab from a video obtained from the Ethiopian Public Broadcaster (EBC) on July 20 and July 21, 2020 and released on July 24, 2020 shows water pouring out of the Renaissance Dam in Guba, Ethiopia, as Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed hails the historic early filling of the reservoir on the Blue Nile River that has stoked tensions with downstream neighbours Egypt and Sudan.

On the other hand, Ethiopia refused the cessation of Eretria. A two-year war erupted between the two countries leading to the loss of thousands of innocent lives. Now relations are normalized, yet, the two states are far from friends.

As it builds its dominance Ethiopia is unlikely to contemplate direct military intervention in countries that grow increasingly worried about this. It will instead follow Iran’s strategy of spreading influence with local proxies.

The surrounding countries own agendas and the changing regional relationships are not conducive for Ethiopia to assume the role of a regional hegemon, regardless of who wins the elections. Of course, if Ahmed’s party holds a sweeping majority, he will persevere to achieve this goal.

Assuming such advanced regional political roles for any country is challenging, but more so when it is one of the poorest and most densely populated countries. In a highly polarized, multi-ethnic patrimonial country, the emergence of a strong central state is not an easy task.

For months now, fighting in Tigray province has led to more than 100 thousand casualties. The 38 constituencies of the province were not in the position to join the election. No specific dates have been assigned to allow this to happen.

From the 110 million population, only 37 million are registered to cast their ballot.

The international community is skeptical about the election. The European Union has refrained from monitoring them after its request to import communications equipment was denied.

The US State Department issued a statement saying that it was “gravely concerned about the environment under which these elections are to be held,” citing “detention of opposition politicians, harassment of independent media, partisan activities by local and regional governments, and the many interethnic and inter-communal conflicts across Ethiopia.”

Building a strong central state, cementing democracy locally, and constructing a strong economy to alleviate poverty and enhance development are essential local prerequisites before assuming regional roles.

For Ethiopia looking inward is the way forward. Only by doing this will it become a regional powerhouse, and one neighboring countries will aspire to.

By Rami Rayess – alarabiya.net

L’article Regardless of the election result Ethiopia’s expansionism is doomed to fail est apparu en premier sur World Opinion | Alternative Média.

More than 10,000 people have attended an anti-US rally in Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, to denounce President Joe Biden’s policy on the conflict in the country’s northern region of Tigray.

Mr Biden had called for a ceasefire in the conflict, now in its seventh month.

At the rally, people held placards criticising the US while others applauded Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and China’s leader Xi Jinping.

The Ethiopian government has come under pressure over the conflict in Tigray.

Thousands of people, mostly civilians, have been killed and at least two million others have been displaced.

The conflict began last November, when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed ordered an attack on forces loyal to the region’s former ruling party, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), after they had overrun federal army bases.

Mr Abiy declared an end to the conflict after just a month, with the capture of Tigray’s capital, Mekelle.

But more than half a year later, Ethiopian troops and those from neighbouring Eritrea are still fighting TPLF forces.

Both sides in the conflict have been accused by human rights groups of committing crimes against civilians, including mass killings and rape.

Last week Mr Biden demanded an end to « large-scale human rights abuses », including « widespread sexual violence » in Tigray. He also warned of a possibility of famine.

The US president also said he was « deeply concerned by the escalating violence and the hardening of regional and ethnic divisions in multiple parts of Ethiopia ».

In another development, the US State Department imposed restrictions on economic and security assistance to Ethiopia over the conflict, a move that angered Mr Abiy’s government.

The foreign ministry said the move was « regrettable » that could « seriously undermine » US-Ethiopia relations.

The Biden administration has also been pushing for the withdrawal of Eritrean troops who remain in Tigray despite Ethiopian authorities saying weeks ago that they will leave the country.

World Opinions News – bbc.com

L’article Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict: Tens of thousands attend anti-US rally est apparu en premier sur World Opinion | Alternative Média.

Confirmation of closure of Shimelba and Hitsats camps in embattled region comes after state-appointed human rights commission reports both sites were ‘destroyed’.

Slow social service restoration in #Ethiopia's Tigray increased H/R abuses.

– 108 rape cases reported in Mekelle, Adigrat, Ayder hospitals
– Severe food shortage
– Insecurity/lack of health service forcing long-distance travel@EthioHRC's brief report: https://t.co/FH13UQEIPU

— Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (@EthioHRC) February 11, 2021

Two refugee camps caught up in a brutal conflict in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region have been closed and their Eritrean residents relocated, authorities have confirmed, as the country’s state-appointed human rights commission reported that both sites had been “destroyed”.

The United Nations’ refugee agency (UNHCR) has called for protection for the residents of the Shimelba and Hitsats camps, which it says were attacked by armed men who killed and abducted refugees. Last week, it said occupants – who often leave to escape mandatory, indefinite military service and repression or search for better opportunities out of one of the world’s most isolated states – had reported that Eritrean soldiers had forced some refugees back into Eritrea.

The alleged Eritrean military presence is one of the most contentious issues in the border region of Tigray, where Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government has claimed victory over rebellious regional authorities in a conflict that began in early November.

Eritrea and Ethiopia have both denied that Eritrean troops operated on Ethiopian territory. The removed Tigrayan regional authorities and many residents accuse neighbouring Eritrea of intervening on the behalf of the central government in Addis Ababa. Reports from all sides are difficult to verify because communications to the region of some six million people remain patchy and the government tightly controls access.

Tesfahun Gobezay, director general of Ethiopia’s Agency for Refugees and Returnees Affairs, confirmed on Thursday the camp closures, first reported by the state news agency on Wednesday.

Slow social service restoration in #Ethiopia's Tigray increased H/R abuses.

– 108 rape cases reported in Mekelle, Adigrat, Ayder hospitals
– Severe food shortage
– Insecurity/lack of health service forcing long-distance travel@EthioHRC's brief report: https://t.co/FH13UQEIPU

— Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (@EthioHRC) February 11, 2021

n Thursday, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) said it has learned that Shimelba and Hitsats “had been destroyed and the refugees inside the camps dispersed”. Earlier this week, the Norwegian Refugee Council also said the destruction of its facilities at the camps was confirmed using satellite imagery.

“We condemn the criminal destruction of our buildings and facilities that we set up to serve refugees in great need,” Jan Egeland, NRC’s secretary-general, said in a statement. “This rampage of burning and looting by armed men deepens an already dire crisis for millions of people.”

We condemn the criminal destruction of our buildings and facilities that we set up to serve refugees in Tigray, Ethiopia.

This burning and looting rampage by armed men deepens an already dire crisis for millions of people. #NotATarget https://t.co/SIR2mSu7N8

— Jan Egeland (@NRC_Egeland) February 8, 2021

But Tesfahun told Reuters news agency the description of destruction was an “overstatement”.

“There was a lot of fighting in those areas, not in the camps but in those areas where the camps are located,” he said. “Refugees didn’t get the necessary services quickly and also they panicked due to the firing happening around the camps. So they left the camps, and Ethiopian defence forces sheltered them and escorted them to the nearest towns of Tigray,” he said.

He said 5,300 refugees had gone to two other refugee camps in Tigray. Others were now in Tigray towns or the capital, Addis Ababa.

Chris Melzer, a UNHCR spokesman, said the agency concurred with the conclusion that the camps were now unsafe, “considering the reports of attacks on Hitsats and Shimelba, the reports of abductions, destruction, looting, and killing of humanitarian staff”. Decisions to relocate must be voluntary and movements must be organised in safety and dignity, he said.

Some 96,000 Eritrean refugees were living in four camps in Tigray before the conflict erupted in November. The EHRC said on Thursday there are currently “between 26,000 and 28,000 Eritrean refugees sheltered in Mai Aini and Adi Harush refugee camps”..

AL JAZEERA AND NEWS AGENCIES

L’article Ethiopia shuts two Tigray camps housing Eritrean refugees est apparu en premier sur World Opinion | Alternative Média.

Gen. Birhanu Jula made the comment on the state broadcaster Saturday.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said in a separate statement, “We have entered Mekele without innocent civilians being targets.”

Tigray TV earlier Saturday reported that the city was being “heavily bombarded.”

With communications cut to the Tigray region, it is difficult to verify claims by the warring sides as Ethiopia’s government pursues the Tigray regional leaders. Each government regards the other as illegal.

Millions of civilians have been affected as the fighting has gone on for nearly a month.

World Opinions News – Time.com

L’article Ethiopia Says Its Military Now Controls the Tigray Capital est apparu en premier sur World Opinion | Alternative Média.